The aim of this paper is to analyse the expression of imminentiality in Russian by collecting equivalents of the Italian periphrasis stare per using the Italian-Russian parallel corpus of the Russian National Corpus. Firstly, the way in which imminentiality is expressed through verbal aspect is considered, and it is shown that with non-durative telic verbs the present imperfective (such as umiraet) and future perfective forms with an adverb expressing imminentiality (such as skoro umrët) are both frequent and interpreted as quasi-synonimic. Subsequently, constructions are investigated in which imminentiality is semantically coded by means of modal verbs and those of intention, where constructions with sobirat’sja-sobrat’sja are the most frequent in the corpus. Lastly, past perfective forms with an approximative adverb (such as edva ne, čut’ ne), or with the particle bylo expressing the so called “past with no present relevance” or “discontinuous past” are taken into account and conclusions are drawn.
Francesca Biagini (2023). Gli equivalenti russi della perifrasi verbale imminenziale italiana 'stare per'. MEDIAZIONI, 36, 46-64 [10.6092/issn.1974-4382/16306].
Gli equivalenti russi della perifrasi verbale imminenziale italiana 'stare per'
Francesca Biagini
2023
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to analyse the expression of imminentiality in Russian by collecting equivalents of the Italian periphrasis stare per using the Italian-Russian parallel corpus of the Russian National Corpus. Firstly, the way in which imminentiality is expressed through verbal aspect is considered, and it is shown that with non-durative telic verbs the present imperfective (such as umiraet) and future perfective forms with an adverb expressing imminentiality (such as skoro umrët) are both frequent and interpreted as quasi-synonimic. Subsequently, constructions are investigated in which imminentiality is semantically coded by means of modal verbs and those of intention, where constructions with sobirat’sja-sobrat’sja are the most frequent in the corpus. Lastly, past perfective forms with an approximative adverb (such as edva ne, čut’ ne), or with the particle bylo expressing the so called “past with no present relevance” or “discontinuous past” are taken into account and conclusions are drawn.File | Dimensione | Formato | |
---|---|---|---|
16306-Article Text-63452-1-10-20230202.pdf
accesso aperto
Tipo:
Versione (PDF) editoriale
Licenza:
Licenza per Accesso Aperto. Creative Commons Attribuzione (CCBY)
Dimensione
375.79 kB
Formato
Adobe PDF
|
375.79 kB | Adobe PDF | Visualizza/Apri |
I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.