This paper deals with the acquisition of Italian verbal reflexives by native speakers of English and Serbian. The focus is on clitic-marked reflexive forms, which are treated as unaccusative, and which for this reason cannot appear in constructions with derived subjects. In addition, direct clitic reflexives cannot take a syntactic object, as the object position is semantically occupied. Results are reported from an empirical study aimed at exploring how these two requirements are acquired by second language learners whose native languages differ in (not) having reflexive clitics. The data indicates that the English learners initially have more problems than the Serbian ones, but that both L1 groups have correct intuitions at the advanced proficiency level, presumably in virtue of the guidance of Universal Grammar.

Valence-changing operations in the second language: Comparing English and Serbian learners of Italian

Maja Miličević
2010

Abstract

This paper deals with the acquisition of Italian verbal reflexives by native speakers of English and Serbian. The focus is on clitic-marked reflexive forms, which are treated as unaccusative, and which for this reason cannot appear in constructions with derived subjects. In addition, direct clitic reflexives cannot take a syntactic object, as the object position is semantically occupied. Results are reported from an empirical study aimed at exploring how these two requirements are acquired by second language learners whose native languages differ in (not) having reflexive clitics. The data indicates that the English learners initially have more problems than the Serbian ones, but that both L1 groups have correct intuitions at the advanced proficiency level, presumably in virtue of the guidance of Universal Grammar.
2010
Views and Voices 4, Special Issue: Space, Time & Beyond. Inquiries into the Spatio-Temporal Aspects of Language and Literature
49
72
Maja Miličević
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/11585/775885
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