Ukraine is fighting to defend its political space from Russian aggression, resisting a war of conquest aimed at subjugating it and reinserting it into a lost sphere of influence. This is the war of a founding member of the United Nations, the largest country entirely in Europe, associated with and a candidate for membership of the European Union, attacked by the largest state in the world. It is a war of defence, but also of independence, aimed at supranational integration: a war for national survival to be achieved through accession to the European project. Ukraine asserts its national identity as a European identity. In fighting, it claims a political subjectivity that is part of a common European subjectivity. This is the first time a European state is waging war with the collective political, economic and military support of the European Union and its allied states. Ukraine defends its sovereignty in order to share it within Europe, rejecting the notion of absolute sovereignty. This sovereignty is already, in practice, shared with the Union, forged in war as both a claim to belonging and a project of peace. The European policy towards Ukraine may be understood as a first informal application of Article 42 of the Treaty on European Union. Ukraine’s war marks the end of the illusion of Europe as a pacified political space: it is the first European war of integration and defines the new boundaries of the Union. Nevertheless, some still deny the reality of Russia’s 2022 invasion, retreating into the rhetoric of a “proxy war” or the neutralist illusion of an “unjust peace”. Yet this is Russia’s war against Ukraine. This essay reflects on the meaning of this war for both Europe and Ukraine, the latter being the protagonist of a historic shift set in motion by the 2014 Euromaidan. Since then, Ukraine has asserted its subjectivity also through a sustained dialogue with the West—its governments and its public opinions—via an impressive public diplomacy effort. This effort, thoroughly reconstructed in the volume and closely tied to the various phases of the country’s recent history, has involved not only Ukraine’s executive institutions, but also civil society in its many organised and informal forms. Indeed, the intensive and innovative use of public diplomacy tools has revealed a country where political institutions, still on a path towards consolidation, have drawn vital energy from a dynamic and active civil society.

L’Ucraina combatte per difendere il proprio spazio politico dall’aggressione russa, opponendosi a una guerra di conquista volta a soggiogarla e reinserirla in una sfera d’influenza perduta. Si tratta della guerra di uno Stato fondatore dell’ONU, il più grande d’Europa, associato e candidato all’Unione Europea, aggredito dallo Stato più esteso del mondo. È una guerra di difesa, ma anche d’indipendenza, orientata all’integrazione sovranazionale: una guerra per la sopravvivenza nazionale attraverso l’adesione al progetto europeo. L’Ucraina rivendica la propria identità nazionale come identità europea. Combattendo, partecipa a una soggettività politica comune. È la prima volta che uno Stato europeo affronta una guerra con il sostegno politico, economico e militare collettivo dell’Unione e dei suoi alleati. Difende la propria sovranità per condividerla all’interno dell’Europa, rifiutando l’idea di sovranità assoluta. Tale sovranità è già, di fatto, condivisa con l’Unione, forgiata nella guerra come rivendicazione di appartenenza e come progetto di pace. La politica europea verso l’Ucraina può essere letta come una prima attuazione informale dell’articolo 42 del Trattato sull’Unione Europea. La guerra ucraina segna la fine dell’illusione dell’Europa come spazio pacificato: è la prima guerra d’integrazione europea, e definisce i nuovi confini dell’Unione. Nonostante ciò, alcuni negano ancora l’evidenza dell’invasione russa del 2022, rifugiandosi nella retorica della “guerra per procura” o nell’illusione neutralista di una “pace ingiusta”. Ma questa è la guerra della Russia contro l’Ucraina. Il saggio riflette sul significato di questa guerra per l’Europa e per l’Ucraina, protagonista di una svolta storica avviata con Euromaidan nel 2014 e che da allora ha espresso una ‘soggettività’ che ha anche preso la forma di un dialogo proposto all’Occidente, ai suoi governanti, alle sue opinioni pubbliche attraverso un impressionante sforzo di Public diplomacy, di comunicazione verso l’esterno (nel volume dettagliamente ricostruito e connesso alle diverse fasi della storia recente del paese), che ha visto protagoniste le varie articolazioni dell’esecutivo ucraino, ma anche la società civile nelle sue tante forme più o meno organizzate e nei suoi diversi ambiti. Anzi, lo ‘sfruttamento intensivo’ e anche innovativo degli strumenti della Public diplomacy ha rivelato un Paese dove istituzioni politiche ancora in cammino per consolidarsi hanno trovato nella società civile linfa vitale.

Chiaruzzi, M., Ventura, S. (2025). Perché l'Ucraina combatte. Comunicazione di guerra, libertà, Europa e democrazia. Milano : Linkiesta.

Perché l'Ucraina combatte. Comunicazione di guerra, libertà, Europa e democrazia

Michele Chiaruzzi;Sofia Ventura
Co-primo
2025

Abstract

Ukraine is fighting to defend its political space from Russian aggression, resisting a war of conquest aimed at subjugating it and reinserting it into a lost sphere of influence. This is the war of a founding member of the United Nations, the largest country entirely in Europe, associated with and a candidate for membership of the European Union, attacked by the largest state in the world. It is a war of defence, but also of independence, aimed at supranational integration: a war for national survival to be achieved through accession to the European project. Ukraine asserts its national identity as a European identity. In fighting, it claims a political subjectivity that is part of a common European subjectivity. This is the first time a European state is waging war with the collective political, economic and military support of the European Union and its allied states. Ukraine defends its sovereignty in order to share it within Europe, rejecting the notion of absolute sovereignty. This sovereignty is already, in practice, shared with the Union, forged in war as both a claim to belonging and a project of peace. The European policy towards Ukraine may be understood as a first informal application of Article 42 of the Treaty on European Union. Ukraine’s war marks the end of the illusion of Europe as a pacified political space: it is the first European war of integration and defines the new boundaries of the Union. Nevertheless, some still deny the reality of Russia’s 2022 invasion, retreating into the rhetoric of a “proxy war” or the neutralist illusion of an “unjust peace”. Yet this is Russia’s war against Ukraine. This essay reflects on the meaning of this war for both Europe and Ukraine, the latter being the protagonist of a historic shift set in motion by the 2014 Euromaidan. Since then, Ukraine has asserted its subjectivity also through a sustained dialogue with the West—its governments and its public opinions—via an impressive public diplomacy effort. This effort, thoroughly reconstructed in the volume and closely tied to the various phases of the country’s recent history, has involved not only Ukraine’s executive institutions, but also civil society in its many organised and informal forms. Indeed, the intensive and innovative use of public diplomacy tools has revealed a country where political institutions, still on a path towards consolidation, have drawn vital energy from a dynamic and active civil society.
2025
244
9788898827374
Chiaruzzi, M., Ventura, S. (2025). Perché l'Ucraina combatte. Comunicazione di guerra, libertà, Europa e democrazia. Milano : Linkiesta.
Chiaruzzi, Michele; Ventura, Sofia
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/11585/1018563
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